Note
In the wake of the document from the Anglo-American Committee of Inquiry on Palestine, the IHUD (Association of Palestine) demand the formation of a Bi-National Palestine as the common country of two people.
It does it by reaffirming the historical right of a Jews community
to live in Palestine and the natural right of the Arab of Palestine as the inhabitants of the land for innumerable generations.
Unfortunately, this sensible human proposition has not been put into practice, crushed by the conventional idea, harbinger of destruction and death, of the nation state claiming a monopoly on sovereignty.
The IHUD (UNION) Association
The IHUD (UNION) Association was formed in September 1942. It is not a political party. It is a group of individuals belonging of different parties and of independents belonging to no party. Though members of IHUD may have varying views on details, they are united in the firm conviction that there is but one way of meeting the
Palestine problem - that of Jewish-Arab co-operation. We are appending the declaration made when the IHUD (Union) Association was formed.
The IHUD (Union) Association stands for the union of Jews and Arabs in a bi-national Palestine based on the parity of the two peoples; and for the union of the bi-national Palestine with neighbouring countries. This Union is to be a Regional Union under the auspices of the U.N.O.
Jewish-Arab Co-Operation
Jewish-Arab co-operation in Palestine has never been made the chief objective of major policy. Sporadic and, at times, serious attempts have been made in this direction. A history of these attempts would be most illuminating.
But whenever such attempts encountered difficulties, as they were bound to, they were all too lightly abandoned. The result is that, after twenty-four years of the Mandate, there is more political tension in the country than ever before. Far from securing "the development of self-governing institutions" as required by Article 2 of the Mandate, and far from "fostering the establishment of a full measure of self-governing institutions," as promised in the Churchill-Samuel Statement of Policy in 1922, Palestine is governed bureaucratically by a colonial administration, without a legislature and without the participation of Jews or Arabs in the more responsible positions of Government. The fault lies with all concerned - Jews, Arabs and British.
The establishment of Jewish-Arab co-operation is not an easy matter, and it is particularly difficult in the political sphere to which we shall address ourselves. It is here where the crux of the situation lies. Personal relations between Arabs and Jews are, on the whole, still fair. There is no deep racial animosity between these two related Semitic peoples. There is no present religious animosity. In the cities there is a certain amount of economic co-operation, but less than there used to be, and there would be much more under settled political conditions. There is a large measure of co-operation between villages in the farming districts. It is worthy of note that, even with the present political tension, when the leaders on both sides hardly ever meet, and with the boycott propaganda going on, country Jews and country Arabs meet in a friendly way and co-operate with one another. They do not want to be at war with one another. But in all these fields co-operation is impeded because of political, "national" animosity.
Political Co-Operation
Some of our members are old residents here. We know that Jews and Arabs have co-operated and can co-operate in all spheres of life, including the political. But political co-operation will not come of itself. There is one condition for its achievement - that Jewish-Arab co-operation be made the chief objective of major policy, and that this policy be carried through authoritatively, day by day, year by year.
We shall endeavour to give an outline of how we picture this to ourselves. We are well aware of the imperfections in our practical suggestions. On one thing we are absolutely clear: The way out of the impasse is Jewish-Arab co-operation.
Palestine Not a Jewish State and Not an Arab State; But a Bi-National Country
We do not favour Palestine as a Jewish country or Palestine as an Arab country, but a bi-national Palestine as the common country of two peoples.
One of the leaders of the Jewish Labour Movement in Palestine gave a definition in 1931 of a bi-national country, which we think pertinent:
"In a bi-national country the two nations have equal freedom and independence, equal participation in government and equality of representation, and one people shall not be stronger than the other…. They must make the country into a country of nationalities. This is altogether different from a nationalist country."
For proof that a multi-national country is not just an artificial concoction, but "a tried and tested method of government" we would refer you to three recent books, the one by Professor Janowsky, Nationalism and Nationalities, published in 1945 by Macmillan; the second by Professor H. Seton-Watson, Eastern Europe between the Wars, 1918-41, published in 1945 by the Cambridge University Press; and the third, National Self-Determination, by A. Cobban (Oxford University Press, 1945).
Palestine Not Just an Arab Land or Just a Jewish Land
Palestine is not just an Arab land like any other Arab land, or just a Jewish land.
For one thing, it is a Holy Land for three monotheistic religions, of which two - Judaism and Christianity - had their origin here, whilst the third, Islam, regards Jerusalem as next in holiness to Mecca and Medinah.
Lord Milner, who declared himself "a strong supporter of pro-Arab policy" and a believer "in the independence of the Arab countries…. I look forward to an Arab Federation," is quoted by the Peel Royal Commission (p. 41) as stating in 1923 that:
"Palestine can never be regarded as a country on the same footing as the other Arab countries. You cannot ignore all history and tradition in the matter... The future of Palestine cannot possibly be left to be determined by the temporary impression and feeling of the Arab majority in the country of the present day."
We agree with the further comment of the Royal Commission (p. 42), that "the case stated by Lord Milner against Arab control applies equally to a Jewish control."
Arab League: Regional Union
With Lord Milner we, too, believe in the independence of the Arab countries, and we would want them to achieve this as soon as possible; and we consider the formation of the League of Arab States a step forward. We look forward to a Federation or a Regional Union of some of the Middle Eastern countries. The Pact of the Arab League foresees this (Article 9). We would want the bi-national Palestine to be a member of this Regional Union. We are hopeful that the League of Arab States will take a broad view of the Palestine problem and recognise the necessity of a bi-national Palestine, if not to-day then to-morrow, as being the one possible form of independence for Palestine and as being in the interests of the Arab states themselves. Palestine must be lifted out of the parochialism to which its tiny size might condemn it. Palestine represents an inter-national, inter-religious idea of deep concern to millions of Jews, Christians and Moslems throughout the world.
Historical Rights of Jews in Palestine
Another reason why Palestine cannot be regarded as just an Arab land like any other is because of the indissoluble historical association of the Jewish people and of Judaism with this land. This connection has never ceased ever since the days of the Hebrew Bible, its prophets, legislators, and psalmists. The Jewish religion is universalist in its tendencies; but it is inextricably bound up with the Jewish people and with the Land of Israel for its actual fulfilment. The very idea of Palestine as a modern entity is the result of Jewish activity. Moreover, fifty-two nations of the world recognised this in the Mandate for Palestine, in endorsing the idea of the Jewish National Home in Palestine. The Churchill-Samuel Statement of Policy in 1922 declared that it is essential that the Jewish people "should know that it is in Palestine as of right and not on sufferance."
One of our members, Professor M. Buber, who was one of the founders of the Zionist Organisation, is ready to testify before you as to the profound significance of Palestine for Judaism and the Jewish people.
By their labour and skill here in the past generation, the Jews have shown how truly they love this sacred soil. It is now the home of 600,000 Jews. They have their schools, their farms, their synagogues here. They have introduced science into agriculture and industry, and have thus raised the standard of living for all the population. They have found new sources of water and power. They have brought with them progressive social ideas. They did their full share in the war effort in every way.
It is upon this basis that one may say that the Jews have certain historical rights in Palestine, and have proved themselves worthy of these rights.
Natural Rights of Arabs in Palestine
On the other hand, the Arabs have certain natural rights in Palestine. They are the large majority of the country's inhabitants. They have lived here for centuries and tilled its soil. On every side we see the remains of Arab culture. The holy places and the tombs of their fathers through many generations are here, and they have developed a deep feeling for what they call the Arabism of the country.
Honourable Compromise
We regard the historical rights of the Jews and the natural rights of the Arabs as, under al the circumstances, of equal validity, and it is the task of statesmanship to find ways of adjustment between these contending claims. Neither people can get in Palestine all its wants, and both peoples will have to make concessions. The way of honourable and reasonable compromise must be sought.
Immigration Versus Self-Government
In the Report of the Royal Commission it is stated (p. 136) that "what the Arabs most desire is independence. What they most fear is Jewish domination." What most Jews desire is immigration. What they most fear is Arab domination. A chief objective of policy must be to remove this fear of domination on either side. We propose methods of achieving this. As to the Jews, in place of the desired unrestricted immigration, we propose a substantial immigration, but with limitations. As to the Arabs,
we propose, in place of the desired independent sovereign Arab State, the maximum amount of self-government in a bi-national country.
The Political Problem
The three main elements in the political problem are: Immigration, Land, Self-government. We shall deal first with immigration and land, and then with self-government.
We envisage three distinct periods:
First, the present period and as long as the Mandate lasts
Second, the period of Trusteeship under the U.N.O.
Third, the period when a bi-national Palestine is no longer a Trust Territory but a self-governing unit within a larger Regional Union.